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补偿输家? 经济政策与美国党派重组的起源

“Compensate the Losers?” Economic Policy and the Origins of U.S. Partisan Realignment
Quarterly Journal of Economics · 2026 · [{"name": "Ilyana Kuziemko", "affiliation": ["Princeton University"]}, {"name": "Nicolas Longuet-Marx", "affiliation": ["Stanford University"]}, {"name": "Suresh Naidu", "affiliation": ["Columbia University"]}]

中文摘要

摘要 我们认为,民主党在经济政策上的演变有助于解释按教育程度划分的党派重组。首先,我们记录到,受教育程度较高的美国人存在差异性地反对"预分配"(例如就业保障、更高的最低工资、保护主义以及更强大的工会),而再分配(税收与转移支付)的教育梯度接近于零。自20世纪40年代以来,这些关系基本未变。其次,聚焦于政治人物和捐赠者这两类关键政党行动者,我们表明,民主党自20世纪70年代以来已逐渐远离预分配。民主党众议院议长提出的预分配法案数量自20世纪70年代以来减少了一半。工会——传统上为预分配游说的力量——在民主党政治行动委员会(PAC)捐款中的份额从1968年的90%下降到1980年的40%,这一变化发生在20世纪70年代便利企业PAC捐款的立法之后。从1980年起,相对于共和党,民主党越来越依赖来自受教育程度较高捐赠者的个人捐款。我们表明,对企业PAC和受教育程度较高捐赠者依赖的增加,是由一个自称"新民主党人"、在预分配和社会议题上尤其保守的派系的兴起所推动的。最后,我们追踪选民对民主党这些变化的反应。受教育程度较低的美国人在20世纪70年代开始离开该党,而此前数十年他们一直是该党的基本盘。我们还表明,在20世纪70年代至90年代这一关键过渡时期,无论在调查问题中还是在实际国会选举中,新民主党人候选人在受教育程度较高的选民中都比其他民主党人表现更好。由于新民主党人在社会议题上比其他民主党人更为保守,他们在受教育程度较高选民中的成功表明,社会议题本身无法解释教育重组。

Abstract

Abstract We argue that the Democratic Party’s evolution on economic policy helps explain partisan realignment by education. First, we document that educated Americans differentially oppose “predistribution” (e.g., job guarantees, higher minimum wages, protectionism, and stronger unions), while the educational gradient for redistribution (taxes and transfers) is close to zero. These relationships have been largely unchanged since the 1940s. Second, focusing on politicians and donors as key party actors, we show that the Democratic Party has moved away from predistribution since the 1970s. The number of predistribution bills introduced by Democratic House Speakers has declined by half since the 1970s. Unions—the traditional lobbying force for predistribution—see their share of Democratic Party PAC donations decline from 90% to 40% from 1968 to 1980, following 1970s legislation that facilitated corporate PAC donations. From 1980 onward, the Democrats rely increasingly on individual contributions from educated donors relative to the Republicans. We show the increased reliance on corporate PACs and educated donors is driven by the rise of a self-described “New Democrat’’ faction particularly conservative on predistribution and social issues. Finally, we trace the reaction of voters to these changes in the Democratic Party. Less-educated Americans begin to leave the party in the 1970s, after decades of serving as its base. We also show that in the crucial transition period of the 1970s through 1990s, New Democrat candidates outperform other Democrats among more-educated voters in both survey questions and actual Congressional elections. As the New Democrats are more socially conservative than other Democrats, their success with educated voters suggests that social issues alone cannot explain educational realignment.
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