中文摘要
在衡量女性劳动参与率时，我们或许想知道：女性有多少时间用于工作而非闲暇？女性有多少时间用于市场工作而非非市场工作？女性是在家庭内部还是家庭外部工作？女性有多少时间用于家庭服务，而非农业、制造业或其他服务业？遗憾的是，衡量劳动参与率并不能为上述任何一个问题提供准确的答案。本文利用19世纪欧洲家庭账簿数据表明，用劳动参与率来衡量女性工作具有误导性。如果我们真的想理解过去女性的工作，就需要采用连续的而非二元的衡量方式，并且必须停止假定市场工作等同于在家庭之外完成的工作、家庭生产等同于家庭服务。乔伊斯·伯内特，瓦伯什学院。女性选举权与第一次世界大战的政治经济学。经过近一个世纪的行动主义，美国女性在第一次世界大战结束后的一个月内因第十九修正案的通过而赢得了选举权。战时动员将成千上万的女性吸引到传统上由男性主导的行业，改变了社会对女性是否适合工作场所与公共领域的看法。本文研究第一次世界大战期间女性劳动参与率（LFP）对第十九修正案政治支持的影响。我引入新数字化的数据，追踪整个一战期间女性劳动力在战争相关行业间的配置，结果表明，1910—1920年间女性劳动参与率提高3.65个百分点（一个标准差），与国会议员支持第十九修正案的概率提高14个百分点相关联。我采用两种识别策略——双重差分和移动份额工具变量——来验证这一关系的因果性。我的发现意味着，劳动参与率和公民参与是互补的，且市场劳动可能为拓宽政治权利提供途径。
Abstract
When measuring women's labor force participation, we might want to know: How much time did women spend working, rather than in leisure?How much time did women spend on market work, as opposed to non-market work?Did women do their work inside or outside the home?How much time did women spend in domestic services, as opposed to agriculture, manufacturing or other services?Unfortunately measuring labor force participation will not give us accurate answers to any of these questions.This paper uses data from nineteenth-century European household accounts to demonstrate that using labor force participation to measure women's work is misleading.If we really want to understand women's work in the past, we need to adopt continuous, rather than binary measures, and we must stop assuming that market work equates to work done outside the home, and that household production equates to domestic services. Joyce Burnette, Wabash College The Political Economy of Women's Suffrage and World War IAfter nearly a century of activism, American women won suffrage rights within one month of WWI's close with the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.Wartime mobilization drew thousands of women into traditionally male-dominated industries, altering society's view on the suitability of women in the workplace and public sphere.This paper studies the effect of women's labor force participation (LFP) during WWI on political support for the Nineteenth Amendment.I introduce newly-digitized data charting the allocation of women's labor across war-related industries throughout WWI to show that a 3.65pp (1SD) increase in women's LFP from 1910-20 was associated with a 14pp increase in the probability that a congressman supported the Nineteenth Amendment.I implement two identification strategies, difference-in-differences, and shift-share instrumental variables, to verify the causality of this relationship.My findings imply that LFP and civic engagement are complements, and that market labor may offer means to widened political rights.