Quarterly Journal of Economics · 2022 · Daron Acemoğlu、Giuseppe De Feo、Giacomo De Luca、Gianluca Russo
中文摘要
近年来,右翼民粹主义运动在若干国家兴起,再次激发了人们理解两次世界大战之间法西斯主义兴起原因的兴趣。本文认为,第一次世界大战后意大利社会党支持率的激增与随后法西斯主义的兴起之间存在密切联系。我们首先利用各地区的战争伤亡人数,为1919年选举中意大利各市镇社会主义支持率的差异构建了一项变异来源。我们表明,这些伤亡人数与战前一系列政治、经济和社会变量无关,却对社会主义支持率产生了重大影响(部分原因是社会党人是主要的反战政治运动)。我们的主要结果是,社会主义支持率的这种提升(相对于市镇先前的政治倾向而言是“外生的”)导致了当地法西斯活动的增多——以地方党支部数量和法西斯政治暴力衡量——并使法西斯党在1921年和1924年选举中的得票份额显著提高。我们提供的证据表明,土地所有者协会和地方精英更广泛的存在,对法西斯主义的兴起发挥了重要作用。最后,我们发现,在早期法西斯活动较多的地区,1943—1945年犹太人遭驱逐的可能性更高,且第二次世界大战后基督教民主党的得票份额更低。
Abstract
Abstract The recent ascent of right-wing populist movements in several countries has rekindled interest in understanding the causes of the rise of fascism in the interwar years. In this article, we argue that there was a strong link between the surge of support for the Socialist Party after World War I and the subsequent emergence of fascism in Italy. We first develop a source of variation in socialist support across Italian municipalities in the 1919 election based on war casualties from the area. We show that these casualties are unrelated to a battery of political, economic, and social variables before the war and had a major effect on socialist support (partly because the socialists were the main antiwar political movement). Our main result is that this boost to socialist support (that is “exogenous” to the prior political leaning of the municipality) led to greater local fascist activity as measured by local party branches and fascist political violence, and to significantly larger vote share of the Fascist Party in the 1921 and 1924 elections. We provide evidence that landowner associations and greater presence of local elites played an important role in the rise of fascism. Finally, we find greater likelihood of Jewish deportations in 1943–45 and lower vote share for Christian Democrats after World War II in areas with greater early fascist activity.