Quarterly Journal of Economics · 2017 · Ernesto Dal Bó、Frederico Finan、Olle Folke、Torsten Persson、Johanna Karin Rickne
中文摘要
民主制度能否在吸引有能力的领导者的同时实现广泛的代表性?经济模型表明,搭便车激励和较低的机会成本使能力较弱者在进入政治生活时具有比较优势。此外,如果精英拥有更多人力资本,那么以能力为标准进行选拔可能导致代表性不均衡。本文利用覆盖全体人口的极为丰富的能力特质与社会背景数据,考察瑞典全体市政政治家和国家级议员的政治选拔模式。我们记录了四项新发现,共同刻画了一种“包容性贤能制”。第一,政治家平均而言比其所代表的民众更聪明、领导能力更强,且这些差异在统计上显著。第二,即使控制家庭背景(从而也控制社会背景),这种正向选择依然存在,这表明个人能力是选拔的关键。第三,无论以父母收入还是职业社会阶层来衡量,不同社会背景群体的代表性都十分均衡。第四,在政治选拔中,能力与社会代表性之间至多存在微弱的权衡,这主要归因于来自父母社会经济地位较低家庭的政治家存在很强的正向选择。这些事实的一项总体启示是,民主制度有可能产生既有能力又具有社会代表性的领导层。
Abstract
Abstract Can a democracy attract competent leaders, while attaining broad representation? Economic models suggest that free-riding incentives and lower opportunity costs give the less competent a comparative advantage at entering political life. Moreover, if elites have more human capital, selecting on competence may lead to uneven representation. This article examines patterns of political selection among the universe of municipal politicians and national legislators in Sweden, using extraordinarily rich data on competence traits and social background for the entire population. We document four new facts that together characterize an “inclusive meritocracy.” First, politicians are on average significantly smarter and better leaders than the population they represent. Second, this positive selection is present even when conditioning on family (and hence social) background, suggesting that individual competence is key for selection. Third, the representation of social background, whether measured by parental earnings or occupational social class, is remarkably even. Fourth, there is at best a weak trade-off in selection between competence and social representation, mainly due to strong positive selection of politicians of low (parental) socioeconomic status. A broad implication of these facts is that it is possible for democracy to generate competent and socially representative leadership.